(PDF) The Intensive Controversy On Chinese Historical Phonology

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Download Free PDFThe intensive controversy on Chinese historical phonology: Refutation of the liquid medial for division-2 in Old ChineseJingyi Gao

2021, Trames

https://doi.org/10.3176/TR.2021.1.07visibility

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Abstract

The present paper reports the intensive controversy on Chinese historical phonology that broke out in 2002. After sorting through over 150 Chinese papers on the intensive controversy by the Sino-linguists' side and the descriptivists' side, the present study suggests that we should investigate a history of the new hypotheses, and discuss them in a logical order. The hypothesis of the liquid medial for division-2 in OC of the descriptivists' side is refuted with philological arguments and a negative control of comparative evidence. The hypothesis of the vocalic medial for division-2 in OC of the Sino-linguists' side is supported with Sino-Vietnamese and Sino-Uralic comparative evidence. Using etymological methods, the present study has identified nine (9) Sinitic and Uralic shared etymologies. Four (4) Shennong (Sino-Uralic) etymologies belong to a rhyme correspondence. Five (5) Shennong (Sino-Uralic) etymologies belong to another rhyme correspondence. These two (2) regular sound correspondences validate the etymological connections between Sinitic and Uralic.

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Key takeaways

AI

1. The paper refutes the liquid medial hypothesis for division-2 in Old Chinese using philological arguments.
2. It supports the vocalic medial hypothesis for division-2 through Sino-Vietnamese and Sino-Uralic evidence.
3. Nine shared etymologies between Sinitic and Uralic languages have been identified and validated.
4. A total of 150 papers have contributed to the ongoing controversy since 2002.
5. The study emphasizes the need for logical discussions of historical phonological hypotheses.

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References (588)

1. Results
2. 玉篇(543-YP): 居也家室也('dwelling, home');
3. 二等平聲牙音清(extrovert, final-29, labialized-, division-2, tone-A, velar initial voiced-) ( ✩ ko͑ a A ); Mandarin jiā 'home, family' ;
4. Cantonese gaa1/gu1 'home, family' ; Minnan ka/ke 'dwelling, home' ; Japanese Go-on ke/ku; Kan- on ka/ko; {OC rhyme 魚 *-a; OC-W *kea; OC-Z "*kraː"}〗has been compared (Gāo J. 2008: 168) to the Uralic etymon after the equivalents: Estonian koda\ koja 'chamber' , kodu 'home' ; Finnish kota 'Sami dwelling' , koti 'home' ; Sami\Lappish goahti/kā ̊htē/ koati/kȯ͕ ̆a͕ ᵓt̜ t̜ ᴱ/kuəᴅ̜ t̜ ᴱ 'Sami dwelling, hut, tent' ; Mordvin kudo/kud 'house, living room' ; Mari\Cheremis Table 7. Division correspondence negative control: NEGATIVE {Sinitic division-2 ⇔ OC-W *-e-/-o-⇔ Estonian -õ-/-o-⇔ Finnish/ North Sami -o-} (demonstrated etyma line 1-4 from Section 4, reinforced etyma line 5-10 from Gao 2019a and Gao 2020b)
5. English );
6. Old Low German gat 'hole' ; German Gasse 'lane' , (Gatt 'hole for rope or hook' ← Low German ), (Gate 'airport gate' ← English );
7. Old High German gazza 'lane' ; Gothic gatwō 'street' (→ Finnish katu 'street' ; Lithuanian gatvė 'street' ); {Proto-Germanic *gata-" 'hole' , *gatwōn-'road, alley' " (2013-EDPG: 170) 15 }; {← or ⇐ Shennong (Sino-Uralic)}. #3)【殺】〖 說文(121-SW): 戮也('kill');
8. 玉篇(543-YP): 斷命也('kill');
9. 韻鏡(1161-YJ):外轉第二十一開二等入聲齒音[左]清 (extrovert, final-21, labialized-, division-2, tone-D, dental initial [fricative+] voiced-) ( ✩ θo͑ at̪ D ); Mandarin shā (ŝā) 'kill' ;
10. Gāo J. (2008: 109-114; Gao 2012: 241; Gao 2019c: 145-146) put forward that the Shennong nation 神農氏 (a.k.a. Yandi clans 炎帝部落, of Chinese prehistory) is the shared origin of Sinitic and Uralic languages and peoples.
11. 14 Refutation: Previously claimed (1977-FUV: 142) etymological equation from Uralic to Persian kad 'house' is rejected due to phonetic inconsistencies (no rhyme correspondece). Previously claimed (1996-CV5ST) etymological equation from Sinitic to Burmese kraʔ-hŋanh 'palace, residence' is rejected due to phonetic inconsistencies. Previously claimed (2007-EDOC: 300) etymological equation from Sinitic to Tibetan mkʰar 'house, castle' is rejected due to phonetic inconsistencies. 15 Refutation: Previously claimed (2013-EDPG: 170, 176) etymological equation from Proto- Germanic to Proto-Indo-European *gʰéd-e-; Greek χανδάνω (khandánō) 'to hold, include, contain'; etc. is rejected due to semantic inconsistencies. Cantonese saat3/saai3 'kill' ; Minnan sat 'kill' ; Japanese Go-on sei/sechi/setsu; Kan-on sai/satsu; {OC rhyme 月 *-ta; OC-W *ʃeat; OC-Z "*sreːd"}〗has been compared (Gāo J. 2008: 197) to the Uralic etymon after the equivalents: Estonian sõda\ sõja 'war' ; Finnish sota 'war' ; Sami\Lappish soahti/så ̄htē/soottađ/--/--'war' ; Mordvin śudo-/śudu-'curse' ; Mari\Cheremis šuδe-'curse' ; ?16 Hungarian szid-'chide' ; {"Proto-Finno- Wolgaic" *śota/śoδa/śoδá 'fight, war' (1988-UEW: 777) (The Hungarian equivalent is retrieved in the present study)}; {Uralic ⇐ Shennong (Sino-Uralic) *θo͑ t̪ a 'kill' ⇒ Sinitic}. This etymon has been identified (2007-EDOC: 452) in surrounding languages: Tibetan gsod-pa, bsad 'kill' ; Nung sat 'kill' ; Chepang sat-sa 'kill' ; Burmese sat 'kill' ; Jingpho\Kachin sat 31 'kill' ; Mizo\Lushai that 'kill' ; Karbi\Mikir that 'kill' ; Dimasa thai 'kill' ; Garo sot 'kill' ; {Proto-Tibeto-Burman *g-sat (Benedict 1972: 27)}; {Proto-Monic *k-r-cət 'kill' }; {← Sinitic 'kill' } 17 . #4)【椏】〖 說文(121-SW): --; 玉篇(543-YP): 木椏杈('tree fork');
12. 清(extrovert, final-29, labialized-, division-2, tone-A, laryngeal initial voiced-) ( ✩ ʔo͑ a A ); Mandarin yā (iā) ' †tree fork' ;
13. Cantonese aa1/ngaa1 ' †tree fork' ; Minnan a/ue ' †tree fork' ; Japanese Go-on e; Kan-on a; {OC rhyme 魚 *-a; OC-W *ea; OC-Z "*qraː"}〗is compared (first publication) to the Uralic etymon after Estonian oda 'spear' ; Finnish ota 'sting' ; Sami\Lappish oahci/ å ̄htsē/oaci/--/--'obstacle' ; Mordvin oš 'town' ; Komi\Zyrian voǯ 'fishing fence' ; Mansi\Vogul ōš/ūs/wūš/ūš 'fence, town' ; Khanty\Ostyak wač/woš/was 'town' ; Nenets\Yurak wāʔ 'fence' ; Enets\Yen bǝʔ 'town' ; Nganasan\Tawgi baʔ 'town' ; Selkup qē̮ tte/ke̮ tte/ke̮ čče/ke̮ č/qē̮ tti̮ 'town' ; {Proto-Uralic "*woča 'fence, fishing fence; catch fish with a trap' " (1988-UEW: 577)}; {Uralic ⇐ Shennong (Sino-Uralic) *ʔo͑ t̬ a 'tree fork using for fence' ⇒ Sinitic}. This etymon has not been identified in other languages. #5)【江】〖 說文(121-SW): 水出蜀湔氐徼外崏山入海('Yangtse River');
14. 玉篇(543-YP): 山海經水出山崏('Yangtze River');
15. 韻鏡(1161-YJ):外轉第三開合二等平聲牙音清(extrovert, final-3, labialized±, division-2, tone-A, velar initial voiced-) ( ✩ koɒŋ A );
16. Mandarin jiāng (jiāŋ) '♣river (of South and Northeast China)' ; Cantonese gong2 'river (of South and Northeast 16 Caveat: Uncertain equivalent due to irregular outcome in the rhyme correspondence Rc2021GaoJ- 1406-0922-T8, see Table 8.
17. Because there is almost no internal diversity in Tibeto-Burman and the sense in Tibeto-Burman is identical to Sinitic, it must be a non-genetic diffusion (loanword) from Sinitic. The g-part in Tibetan gsod-pa belongs to another morpheme. The word gsod-pa should be a dimorphemic hybrid doubling compound containing of a native term *gVC for 'kill' and the diffused term -sod 'kill'. Dimorphemic hybrid doubling compounds are common in Sinitic, e.g. in Mandarin, in the word 殺 戮 shā-lù 'killing', the second morpheme 戮 lù 'to kill (literary only)' is a non-genetically diffused term; in the word 屠殺 tú-shā 'slaughtering', the first morpheme 屠 tú 'to slaughter (literary only)' is a non-genetically diffused term. Native Mandarin speakers without education may only guess the meanings of these two compound words with the native term 殺 shā 'to kill' in them. The intensive controversy on Chinese historical phonology
18. China)' ; Minnan kang 'river (of South and Northeast China)' ; Japanese Go-on kō; Kan-on kō; {OC rhyme 東 *-ŋo; OC-W *keoŋ; OC-Z "*kroːŋ"}〗has been compared (Gāo J. 2008: 155) to the Uralic etymon after the equivalents: Estonian jõgi\jõe 'river' ; Finnish joki\ joe-'river' ; Sami\Lappish johka/jåhkå/juuhâ/joᵓkkᴬ/jòɢk 'river' ; Mordvin Jov 'Moksha River' ; Mari\Cheremis joγe-'flow' ; Udmurt\Votyak ju-šur 'river' ; Komi\Zyrian ju 'river' ; Khanty\ Ostyak ji̮ γi̮ /jeχǝ/jĭχĭ 'small river' ; Mansi\Vogul jē/jā/jē̮ 'river' ; Hungarian -jó ' †river, in placenames' ; Nenets\Yurak jaχā 'river' ; Enets\Yen d́aha 'river' ; Selkup kî/kī̮ kä/čaqi̮ 'river/swamp, small lake' ; Kamass ćaγa 'river' ; {Proto-Uralic *joke 'river' (1988-UEW: 99)} {Uralic ⇐ Shennong (Sino-Uralic) *kʲoŋkʷə 'river' ⇒ Sinitic}. This etymon has not been identified in other languages. 18 #6)【峰】〖 說文(121-SW):
19. 山耑也('mountain top');
20. 玉篇(543-YP): [峯]高尖山('high and sharp mountain');
21. 韻鏡 (1161-YJ)
22. 内轉第二開合三等平聲唇音次清(introvert, final-2, labialized±, division-3, tone-A, labial initial aspirated+) ( ✩ pʰoeoeŋ A );
23. Mandarin fēng (fēŋ) '♣peak' ; Cantonese fung1 'peak' ; Minnan hong 'peak' ; Japanese Go- on fu; Kan-on hō; {OC rhyme 東 *-ŋo; OC-W *pʰi̭ oŋ; OC-Z "*pʰoŋ"}〗has been compared (Gāo J. 2008: 150) to the Uralic etymon after the equivalents: Estonian mägi\mäe 'mountain, hill' ; Finnish mäki\mäe-'hill' ; Khanty\Ostyak müγ/miγ˳/miw 'small earth mound / earth cusp / lawn hill' ; Selkup maka/makka 'lawn hill' ; {"Proto-Finno-Ugric" *mäke 'hill, mountain' (1988-UEW: 266) (The Selkup equivalents are retrieved in the present study)} {Uralic ⇐ Shennong (Sino-Uralic) *mpoeŋkʷə 'sharp mountain' ⇒ Sinitic}. This etymon has not been identified in other languages. 19 #7)【丰】(split〖豐〗)〖 說文(121-SW): 艸盛生生也('abundant');
24. 玉篇(543-YP): [豐]大也('big');
25. 韻鏡(1161-YJ):
26. 内轉第一開三等平聲唇音次清(introvert, final-1, labialized-, division-3, tone-A, labial initial aspirated+) ( ✩ pʰeəŋ A ); Mandarin fēng (fēŋ) '♣abundant' ; Cantonese fung1 'abundant' ; Minnan hong 'abundant' ; Japanese Go- on fu/bu; Kan-on hō/fū; {OC rhyme 東 *-ŋo; OC-W *pʰi̭ oŋ; OC-Z "*pʰoŋ"}〗is compared (first publication) to the Uralic etymon after the equivalents: Estonian vägi\väe 'force' , väga 'very' ; Finnish väki\väe-'crowd, †force' ; Sami\Lappish viehka/viehka/ vieha/vieᵓkkᴬ/vīɢk 'rather/force' ; Mordvin vij/vi 'force' ; Mari\Cheremis wi/wij 'force' ; Udmurt\ 18 Refutation: Previously claimed (Yakhontov 1960: 7) etymological equation from Sinitic to Thai khlong 'canal' is rejected due to phonetic inconsistencies (no rhyme correspondence). Previously claimed (Norman and Mei 1976: 280; 2007-EDOC: 306) etymological equation from Sinitic to Vietnamese song, Bahnar/Sedang kroŋ, Katu karuŋ, Bru kloŋ, Gar/Koho roŋ , Laʔven dakhom , Biat n'hoŋ, Hre khroaŋ, Old Mon krung/kruŋ 'river'; {Proto-Monic *krooŋ}; Tibetan kluṅ 'river'; Thai khlɔːŋ 'canal'; Malay kroŋ is rejected due to phonetic inconsistencies (no rhyme correspondence). Previously claimed (1996-CV5ST) etymological equation from Sinitic to Jingpho\Kachin kruŋ1 'valley'; Mizo\Lushai kuaŋ 'the channel (of river)' is rejected due to phonetic inconsistencies (no rhyme correspondence).
27. Refutation: Previously claimed (2007-EDOC: 238) etymological equation from Sinitic to Khmer kpuŋ 'summit, peak' is rejected due to phonetic inconsistencies. References
28. -SW = Xǔ, Shèn (121) Shuō wén jiě zì. Luò-yáng (Luoyang). Xú, Xuàn děng (jiào) (986). Dōng-jīng (Kaifeng).
29. -YP = Gù, Yě-wáng (543) Yù piān. Jiàn-kāng (Nanjing). [Chén, Péng-nián děng (xiū)] (1013) Dà guǎng yì huì yù piān. Dōng-jīng (Kaifeng).
30. -GY = [Chén, Péng-nián děng (xiū)] (1008) Dà sòng cóng xiū guǎng yùn. Dōng-jīng (Kaifeng). 1161-YJ = Zhāng, Lín-zhī (xù) (1161) Yùn jìng. Lín-ān (Hangzhou).
31. -ELL = [ †Vossius, Gerardus Joannes] (1662). Gerardi Joannis Vossii Etymologicon linguae latinae. Amsterdam: Apud Ludovicum; Danielem Elzevirios. 1923-ADCSJ = Karlgren, Bernhard (1923) Analytic dictionary of Chinese and Sino-Japanese. Paris: P. Geuthner. 1977-FUV = Collinder, Björn (1977) Fenno-Ugric vocabulary (second revised edition). Hamburg: Helmut Buske Verlag.
32. -DEZC = Schuessler, Axel (1987) A dictionary of Early Zhou Chinese. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.
33. -UEW = Rédei, Károly (1988) Uralisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. 1989-YSaS = Lehtiranta, Juhani (1989) Yhteissaamelainen sanasto. Helsinki: Suomalais-ugrilaisen Seura. 1989-SSS = Sammallahti, Pekka (1989) Sámi-suoma sátnegirji / Saamelais-suomalainen sanakirja. Ohcejohka (Utsjoki): Jorgaleaddji. 1993-HZGJ = Lǐ, Zhēn-huá; Zhōu, Cháng-jí (biān-zhuàn) (1993) Hàn-zì gǔ-jīn zì-yīn biǎo. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company. 1996-CV5ST = Peiros, Ilia; Starostin, Sergei (1996) A comparative vocabulary of five Sino-Tibetan languages. Parkville: Department of Linguistics and Applied Linguistics, University of Melbourne. 2001-SSA = Itkonen, Erkki; Kulonen, Ulla-Maija (päätoimittajat) (2001) Suomen sanojen alkuperä: Etymologinen sanakirja (1/2/3) (2. painos). Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura; Kotimaisten Kielten Tutkimuskeskus. 2007-EDOC = Schuessler, Axel (2007) ABC etymological dictionary of Old Chinese. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.
34. -EDPG = Kroonen, Guus (2013) Etymological dictionary of Proto-Germanic. Leiden: Brill. 2014-HZZY = Lín, Lián-tōng; Zhèng-zhāng, Shàng-fāng (biān-zhuàn) (2014) Hàn-zì zì-yīn yǎn-biàn dà-zì-diǎn. Nanchang: Jiangxi Education Press.
35. Jié yú jīn (2006) "Jiàn-shè chuàng-xīn-xíng yǔ-yán-xué". Gǔ-Hàn-yǔ yán-jiū 2006, 1, 2-6.
36. Bái, Yī-píng [= Baxter, William H.];
37. Pān Wù-yún (2018) "Shàng-gǔ-yīn duì-tán shí-lù". Yǔ-yán yán-jiū jí-kān 21 (2018, 2), 394-416.
38. Baxter, William H. (1977) Old Chinese origins of the Middle Chinese chóngniǔ doublets: a study using multiple character readings. Doctoral dissertation. Ithaca: Cornell University.
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309. Zhù, Mǐn-chè (2003) "Zài tán shǐ-chéng-shì (dòng-jié-shì) de chǎn-shēng shí-dài". Gǔ-Hàn-yǔ yán-jiū 2003, 3, 37-38.
310. OC reconstructions (7): Wáng L. [王力] 1957 [1958, 1980], 1980a, 1980b; Guō X. [郭錫 良] 1986 [2010];
311. Chén F. [陳復華] & Hé J. [ 何九盈] 1987; Hé J. 1991; 1993-HZGJ (edited by Lǐ Z. [李珍華] & Zhōu C. [周長楫]) || Handbooks (25): Táng Z. [唐作藩] 1959 [2008], 1987 [1991, 2002, 2013, 2016];
312. Wáng L. 1963 [2003], 1985; Lǐ X. [李新魁] 1979, 1986 (no medial);
313. Chén F. 1983 [2002];
314. Shǐ C. [史存 直] 1985; Hé J. 1988 [2010];
315. Zhào Z. [趙振 鐸] 1990; Wāng S. [汪壽明] & Pān W.-g. [潘文 國] 1992; Chén R. [陳壬秋] 1995; Lǐ B. [李葆 嘉] 1998; Hú A. [胡安順] 1998, 2001 [2003];
316. Liú L. [劉綸鑫] 2001; Lín T. [林燾] & Gěng Z. [耿振生] 2004; Gěng Z. 2004; Lóng Z. [龍莊 偉] 2005; Lǐ W. [李無未] 2006; Liú X. [劉曉 南] 2007 [2016], 2011; Wàn X. [萬獻初] 2008;
317. Jiǎn Q. [簡啟賢] 2013; Gěng Z. 2016 || Other (4): Dīng Q. [丁啟陣] 2000, 2016; Páng G. [龐 光華] 2005 (monographs entitled "Refutation of consonant clusters in OC");
318. Lǐ J. 2015 [李建强] (monograph on refuting *-r-in OC") OC reconstructions (15): E. G. Pulleyblank 1962 (paper) [1999 (monograph in Chinese)];
319. Lǐ F. [李方桂] 1971 (paper) [1980 (monograph)];
320. A. Schuessler (Schüssler) 1976, 1987-DEZC, 2007-EDOC, 2009; S. A. Starostin 1989 [Chinese translations 2010, 2012];
321. W. H. Baxter 1992; L. Sagart 1999 [Chinese translation 2019];
322. Zhengzhang [鄭張尚芳] 2000; Zhèng- zhāng 2003a [2013a];
323. Jīn L. [金理新] 2002, 2013; 2012-HZZY (edited by Lín L. [林連 通] & Zhèng-zhāng);
324. Baxter & Sagart 2014 || Handbooks (10): Zhāng S. [張世祿] & Yáng J. [楊劍橋] 1987; J. Norman 1988; Yáng J. 1996 [2012], 2005; Pān W. [潘悟雲] 2000; Zhōu Z.-x. [周祖庠] 2003; Mài Y. [麥耘] 2009; Dīng B. [丁 邦新] 2015; Zhào T. [趙彤] 2015; N. Hill 2019 || Other (2): Z. Handel 2009 (monograph on *-r-with modification);
325. Zhèng W. [鄭偉] 2018 (monograph on Chinese historical phonology including *-r-) Titles: 7 + 25 + 4 = 36. Authors: 26 Titles: 15 + 10 + 2= 27. Authors: 20
326. Guō X. [郭錫良] 2002 (re: Méi Z. 2002);
327. Sūn Y. [孫玉文] 2002 (▽Pān W. 2000);
328. Chén X. [陳新雄] 2003, Lǔ G. [魯國堯] 2003, Huà X. [華學誠] & Bǎi Y. [柏亞東] & Wáng Z. [王 智群] & Zhào Q. [趙奇棟] & Zhèng D. [鄭東 珍] 2003, Xuē F. [薛鳳生] 2003, Guō X. 2003 (re: Méi Z. 2003);
329. Zhù M. [祝敏徹] 2003, Dù C. [杜純梓] 2003a (▼Méi Z. 1991);
330. Gěng Z. [耿 振生] 2003 (▽Pān W. 2000);
331. Táng Z. [唐作藩] 2003 (re: Méi Z. 2002);
332. Zhāng Y. [張雁] 2003 (▼*-ʔ and *-s), Lǐ X. [李香] 2003 (*-s);
333. Dù C. 2003b (re: Dīng B. 2003);
334. Zhāng Y.-c.
335. Zhāng M. [張 猛] 2004 (re: Dǒng J. 2003);
336. Huáng Y. [黃易 青] 2004 (▼Mei 1979 S-T comparisons);
337. Hé J. [何九盈] 2004, 2005, Gěng Z. 2005 (▽PST);
338. Hú J. [胡繼明] 2005 (re: Méi Z. 2002);
339. Sūn Y. 2005 (▽Pān W. 2000), 2005-2006 (▼*sm-and *hm-);
340. Cài Y. [蔡永貴] 2005 (▼*Cc-);
341. Zhōu S. [周守晉] 2005 (re: Mài Y. 2003b);
342. Guō X. 2005 (re: Shí B. 2003 and Méi Z. 2004, ▼this S-T comparison);
343. Wáng N. [王寧] & Huáng Y. 2005 (overview);
344. Huáng Y. 2005 (on xiesheng series); Anonymous 2006 (intercession, call for ceasing);
345. Lǐ K. [李開] 2006 (academic history of CHP);
346. Dīng Q. [丁启陣] 2006, Lǐ J. [李建 强] 2007 (▼*Cc-);
347. Lǔ G. 2007 (methodology);
348. Sūn Y. 2007 (affixes);
349. Guō X. 2007a (re: Méi Z. 2006), 2007b (overview);
350. Cuī Y. [崔彦] 2007
351. ▼*-r-);
352. Sūn Y. 2008a, Guō X. 2009 (re: Pān W. 2005);
353. Gāo Y. [高永安] 2008 (re: Mǎ. 2006);
354. Guō X. 2008 (▼PST);
355. Sūn Y. 2008b (▼a few S-T comparisons);
356. Chén X. 2008, Wáng W. [王為民] 2009, 2010, Wáng W. & Zhāng C. [張楚] 2009 (▼*T6V);
357. Guō X. 2009, Chén X. 2009 (overview);
358. Pān B. [潘柏年] 2009, Zēng R. [曾榮汾] 2009, Hé K. [何昆益] 2009, Lín Q. [林慶勳] 2009 (re: Méi Z. 2002);
359. Chén G. [陳廣忠] 2009 (▼*Cc-);
360. Lí X. [黎新宇] 2009 (re: Féng Z. 2008);
361. Sūn Y. 2010 (▼*Cc-);
362. Guō Appendix 2. Major Chinese papers on the intensive controversy by the two sides Méi Z. [梅祖麟] 2002; 2003 (re: Guō X. 2002);
363. Jīn L. [金理新] 2003 (S-T comparisons, with disclamation of two comparisons);
364. Zhèng-zhāng [鄭張尚芳] 2003b (methodology of external comparisons);
365. Dīng B. 2003 [丁邦新] (▲Méi Z. 1991);
366. Mài Y. [麥耘] 2003a (♥Pān W. 2000), 2003b (intercession);
367. Dǒng J. [董建交] 2003 (re: Sūn Y. 2002);
368. Shí B. [時兵] 2003, Méi Z. 2004 (▼Guō X. 1997, with a S-T comparison);
369. Jīn L. 2004 (♥*sŋ-and *hŋ-);
370. Jīn L. 2005a (on prefix *m-), 2005b (♥*-s);
371. Pān W. [潘悟雲] 2005a (re: Guō X. 2002 and Sūn Y. 2002); 2005b, Mài Y. 2005 (methodology);
372. Huáng S. [黄樹先] 2005 (Chinese-Burmese comparisons);
373. Chén Z. [陳忠 敏] 2005 (methodology);
374. Méi Z. 2006 (confession and a new question);
375. Zhèng-zhāng 2006 (methodology);
376. Yáng J. [楊劍橋] 2006 (▲Méi Z. 2002 etc.);
377. Mǎ. [J. A. Matisoff] 2006 (re: Hé J. 2004);
378. Zhōu K. [周克庸] 2006 (re: Cài Y. 2004);
379. Zhū X. [朱晓農] 2006 (methodology);
380. Sūn H. [孫 宏開] 2006, 2007, Gōng H. [龚煌城] 2007, Mǎ. 2007, Shī X. 2007 [施向東] (♥S-T);
381. Méi Z. 2007 (on *ɡl-);
382. Zhèng-zhāng 2007 (♥*Cc-etc.);
383. Pān W. 2007, Luó Y. [羅永現] 2007 (♥*-l and *-r);
384. Méi Z. 2008a (♥*Cc-), 2008b (♥affix *s);
385. Féng Z. [馮蒸] 2008 (overview); Zhèng-zhāng 2008a (re: Guō X. 2007a); 2008b (♥*-r-etc.);
386. Chén Z. 2009 (methodology);
387. Féng Z. 2009a (academic history of S-T comparisons);
388. Sūn H. 2009 (♥S- T);
389. Féng Z. 2009b, Shī X. 2009 (♥*Cc-);
390. Zhèng W. [鄭偉] 2009 (external comparisons to *Cc-);
391. Pān W. 2010 (methodology);
392. Féng Z. 2010- 2011 (academic history of CHP);
393. Pān W. 2011 (methodology);
394. Sūn H. 2011 (♥S-T);
395. Liú K. [劉 琨] 2011 (on *Cc-);
396. Féng Z. 2011 (methodology);
397. Zhèng-zhāng 2012 (Guō X. 1986);
398. Shī X. 2012 (♥*Cc-etc.);
399. Chén B. [陳保亞] & Wāng F. [汪鋒] 2012, Cuī J. [崔金明] 2012, 2013 (♥S- T);
400. Cuī J. & Liú K. 2013, Cuī J. 2015 (♥*Cc-);
401. Zhèng-zhāng 2013 (re: Chén X. 2008);
402. Méi The Sino-linguists' side The descriptivists' side X. 2011 (re: Zhèng-zhāng 2008a);
403. Páng G. [龐 光華] 2011 (▼*-r or *-l); Zhāng M. [張民權] 2012, 2013, 2014 (▼PST);
404. Zhèng N. [鄭妞] 2012 (▼*sŋ-and *hŋ-);
405. Huáng Y. 2013-2014
406. ▼*kl-);
407. Qú A. [瞿靄堂] & Jìn S. [勁松] 22 * 2013 (S-T Sprachbund instead of language family);
408. Xú C. [徐從權] 2013 (▼*T6V);
409. Sūn Y. 2014 (▼*-r-);
410. Guō X. 2014 (overview);
411. Hé J. 2014-2015 (Hua-Yi instead of S-T);
412. Zhōu S. 2015 (re: Féng Z. 2008);
413. Lǐ J. 2017 (▼*Cc-);
414. Hé J. 2017 (re: Mǎ. 2006);
415. Chéng Y. [程悅] 2018, Gāo Y. 2018, Léi T. [雷瑭洵] 2018, Xiàng X. [向筱路] 2018, Zhào T.-y. [趙團員] 2018 (▽Baxter & Sagart 2014);
416. Wáng N. 2018 (*Cc-);
417. Sūn Y. 2018 (▼*Cc-);
418. Qí X. [齊晓 燕] 2018, Sūn H.-w. [孫洪偉] 2019 (▽Baxter & Sagart 2014 and ▼*T6V);
419. Sūn Q. [孫强] &
420. Léi T. 2019 (overview and ▽Baxter & Sagart 2014);
421. Qiáo Q. [喬全生] 2020 (academic history of CHP) Z. 2013, 2015 (♥affix *s);
422. Liú Q. [劉芹] 2014 (♥*Cc-);
423. Féng Z. 2014 (♥2012-HZZY);
424. Dài Q. [ 戴慶廈] 2015 (♥S-T，different voice beside Hé 2014-2015);
425. Shī X. 2015 (♥S-T);
426. Sūn H. 2015 (on *Cc-);
427. Jīn L. 2016 (methodology);
428. Shī X. 2017, Féng Z. 2017 (♥*T6V);
429. Zhú J. [竺家寧] 2017, 2018 (♥*Cc-, different voice beside Wáng N. 2018 and Sūn Y. 2018);
430. Mǎ K. [馬坤] 2017 (♥Baxter & Sagart 2014);
431. Pān W. 2018 (♥*sm- and *hm-);
432. Bái Y. [W. H. Baxter] & Pān W. 2018 (♥Baxter & Sagart 2014);
433. Wáng H. [王弘治] 2019 (confession on *-r, without disclamation) Titles: 83. Authors: 52 Titles: 73. Authors: 30
434. Abbreviations: re: = reply to; ▼ = refutation of;  = caveats to, or questions on; ▲ = defense of (with counterarguments);
435. ♥ = promotion of (without counterarguments);
436. Cc-= consonant clusters as initial; CHP = Chinese historical phonology; PST = Sino-Tibetan as a certain language family; S-T = Sino-Tibetan; T6V = the six vowels.
437. * These two authors are not Sino-linguists but con-Sino-Tibetan descriptivists.
438. -SW = 許慎 (漢建光元年121) 說文解字. 雒陽. 徐鉉等 (校) (宋雍熙三年986). 東京.
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What evidence supports vocalic medial reconstruction in Old Chinese division-2?add

The study finds that Sino-Vietnamese and Sino-Uralic comparative evidence strongly support vocalic medial reconstruction as *-e-/-o- for division-2.

How did the authors invalidate the liquid medial hypothesis for Old Chinese?add

The authors refuted the liquid medial hypothesis by demonstrating systematic errors in previous arguments, notably the oversight of division-3 and division-4 data.

What methodological issues were highlighted in the liquid medial hypothesis debate?add

The paper emphasizes that the lack of timely refutations from the Sino-linguists' side complicated the debate, leading to a cumulative dismissal of new hypotheses.

When did the controversy on Old Chinese phonology officially begin?add

The controversy officially began following the publication of Mei's 2002 presentation and Guō's 2002 paper, prompting extensive academic discourse.

What role did the comparative evidence play in this phonological study?add

Comparative evidence was crucial, as it not only validated the vocalic hypothesis but also provided a negative control against the liquid medial claims.

Jingyi GaoBeijing International Studies University, Faculty MemberaddFollowmailMessage

Professor at Beijing International Studies University Department Chair Ph.D. in linguistics

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This paper presents an alternative reconstruction of Proto-Yue vowels in the literary stratum. Opposed to previous studies, the rhyme categories are not considered. I analyze the literary stratum of eighteen Yue dialects and reconstruct the vowel system based on the comparative method. I reconstruct nine monophthongs, nineteen diphthongs, and two triphthongs. Importantly, I reconstruct an advanced tongue root distinction, which is responsible for the yin-ru tone split in Proto-Yue. This study further suggests that the advanced tongue root distinction might be the “inner turn” vs. “outer turn” distinction in Middle Chinese, which will aid in a better understanding of Chinese historical phonology.

downloadDownload free PDFView PDFchevron_rightA HYPOTHESIS ON THE ORIGIN OF OLD CHINESE PHARYNGEALIZATIONLaurent Sagart, William Baxter

It is argued that the Old Chinese pharyngealized consonants reconstructed in the Baxter-Sagart (2014) system were created out of Proto-Sino-Tibetan CVʕ- strings in which the same vowel occurred on both sides of a pharyngeal fricative: CViʕVi-. The same strings evolved to long vowels in the Kuki-Chin group through loss of the pharyngeal consonant. Statistical evidence is presented in support of a correlation between the Kuki-Chin vowel length and the Chinese pharyngealization contrasts, as originally proposed by Starostin. Beyond Sino-Tibetan, it is suggested that the word type distinction in PST: CViʕVi- (‘type A’) vs. C (‘type B’) results from a constraint against monomoraic monosyllables, as has been described for Austroasiatic by Zide and Anderson, and in Austronesian by Wolff.

downloadDownload free PDFView PDFchevron_rightA Diachronic Comparative Analysis for the Phonology of Xiang DialectsHONG JIANG HUANG

ProQuest Dissertations, 2022

Xiāng Dialect has been proposed as a sub-branch of Chinese for ninety years, though its status is still heavily contested among scholars. The lack of an identifiable uniquely shared innovation among the Xiāng dialects is a major obstacle faced with the efforts towards any taxonomic classification. Recent study has suggested disintegration of the proposed group into smaller units that carry certain phonological innovations among some of the subsets. In response, established on the ground of family tree model and applying the historical comparative method, this study has analyzed substantial published data on the Xiāng dialects, and ultimately put forward a proposal that the Xiāng dialects could form a single taxonomic group characterized by an early and distinct innovation. The study starts from a propositional working hypothesis that an envisaged innovation constitutes both the sufficient and the necessary conditions for membership of Xiāng. From this starting point, a common phonological system is steadily reconstructed, with thirty two initials plus initial zero, seventy three finals, and eight tones. The result supports the hypothesis that the innovation in concern is uniquely shared by most dialects in the area traditionally proposed to be Xiāng speaking. Remarkably, this innovation is ancient in that it accompanied the division of Early Middle Chinese into Mandarin, Gàn, Hakka, and the Xiāng. Meanwhile, the prior suggestion on setting up a taxonomic group in central Xiāng area is denied. Implied by this result, the status of several dialects in the south of Húnán Province is subject to reconsideration for further studies.

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