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keyboard_arrow_downTitleAbstractKey TakeawaysReferencesFirst page of “Reconceptualizing Southern Vietnamese History from the 15th to 18th Centuries: Competition along the Coasts from Guangdong to Cambodia”PDF Icondownload

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Abstractsparkles

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This paper explores the historical narratives shaped by the Nguyễn Dynasty in Southern Vietnam from the 15th to 18th centuries, examining the relationship between the rulers from the south and local elites in Tonkin. It discusses how the Nguyễn court selectively engaged with existing historical texts to legitimize their rule and reconstruct the past, emphasizing the impact of fictional accounts treated as history, and highlights the complexities of regional dynamics and historical claims in the context of competition along the coasts.

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Key takeawayssparkles

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  1. The text critiques the traditional narrative of Vietnam's 'nam tiến' or southern expansion as oversimplified.
  2. It examines the complex interactions and rivalries among Vietnamese, Cham, Khmer, and Chinese populations.
  3. The role of the Mạc dynasty in southern Vietnam's history has been historically underestimated.
  4. Scholarly interpretations of Vietnamese history often rely on fictionalized texts from the Nguyen court.
  5. The text highlights the significance of trade networks and cultural exchanges in shaping regional dynamics.

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References (282)

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  12. Andrew Hardy, "Eaglewood and the Economic History of Champa and Central Vietnam," in Andrew Hardy, Mauro Cucarzi and Patrizia Zolese ed., Champa and the archaeology of Mỹ Sơn (Vietnam) (Singapore: NUS Press, 2009), 107-126; Đoàn Ngọc Khôi has suggested that walled defense works, traces of which run along the highlands in Quảng Ngãi, were first erected in this period. Đoàn Ngọc Khôi, "Trấn Quận Công;" Nguyễn Hữu Thông, "Several Cultural Features of the Central Region of Vietnam," Social Sciences, 6 (2004):99-106.
  13. 67 The last Lê officials described serving in Hải Dương are Lê Công Trứ in 1511, Phạm Khiêm Bính in 1511 and 1516, and Nguyễn Mậu in 1517. Liệt Truyện, 66-84; Ngô Đức Thọ, Nguyễn Thúy Nga, Nguyễn Hữu Mùi, eds., Các Nhà Khoa Bang Việt Nam 1075-1919, revised edition (Hanoi: Nhà Xuất Bản Văn Học, 2006), 412, 470; see also Nguyễn Phước Tộc, Nguyễn Phước Tộc Thế Phả (Huế: Nhà Xuất Bản Thuận Hóa, 1995), 97-100. Nguyễn Khắc Thuần, Lịch Sử Triều Mạc, 8, 344; Trần Công Hiến and Trần Huy Phác, Hải Dương Phong Vật Chí [Gazetteer of Hải Dương], Ms. A.882, Hán Nôm Institute, Hanoi, published in Vietnamese translation as Hải Dương Phong Vật Chí, trans. Nguyễn Thị Lâm (Hanoi: Nhà Xuất Bản Lao Động, 2009), 155.
  14. Toàn Thư, XVI:10b-11a; Thông Sử, Mạc Phúc Nguyên:56a; Hồng Đức Bản Đồ, 48.
  15. Thông Sử, Phúc Nguyen:71a-73a.
  16. Trần Kỳ Phương, personal communication and photographs from Phú Yên. Rie Nakamura, "The Cham Muslims in Ninh Thuan Province, Vietnam," Omar Farouk and Hiroyuki Yamamoto, eds., Islam at the Margins: The Muslims of Indochina, CIAS Discussion Paper No.3, Kyoto University (2008):7-23; Pierre- Yves Manguin, "Etudes cam II. Introduction de l'Islam au Campam," BEFEO 66 (1979): 255-87; idem, "Études Cam IV une Relation Ibérique du Campā en 1595", BEFEO 70 (1981):253-269; Danny Wong Tze Ken, "Vietnam-Champa Relations and the Malay-Islam Regional Network in the 17th-19th Centuries," Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia 4 (2004). Cambodian people did not dare to enter it. The Trấn Biên fortifications were preserved for generations as the main garrison for the Mỗi Xoài (Biên Hòa) army, but had been destroyed (presumably by circa 1820). 92
  17. The Thực Lục repeats the story, placing it in 1674, and copies the Diễn Chí recruitment in the second month, like the Diễn Chí without mentioning recruitment in the previous year. In this text only, the chief general is Nguyễn Dương Lâm, taking the Diễn Chí title as a given name; an annotation states he was a son of Quảng Bình Commander Duke Nguyễn Văn Nghĩa. He was captain of the Nha Trang regional army (đạo) in Thái Khang Encampment. This is the first claim that Nha Trang was part of the Thái Khang Encampment, contradicting the earlier texts. 93
  18. Nguyễn Dương Lâm brought his troops to rescue Cambodia. Đài rebelled earlier and controlled Phnom Penh, but feared king Non and secretly asked Siamese troops, pretending they sent 20,000 infantry and 20,000 sailors to punish Non for disloyalty. Non fled to Thái Khang, and the court sent Dương Lâm and Nguyễn Diên Phái, along with Văn Sùng (without a surname), to seize Saigon, Bích Đôi (Lovek), and Phnom Penh.
  19. Again, Đài fled and died, Thu surrendered and became First King at Long Ức, with Non Second King in Saigon, with annual tribute. Diên Phái and Văn Sùng died, and the Cambodians built a temple for Diên Phái in Mỹ Tho. Dương Lâm, now supreme commander, returned and was made Thái Khang governor. 94 The temple to the Diên Lộc Marquis was located in Đồng Nai (Trấn Biên), instead
  20. of Mỹ Tho, only in the third Thông Chí story, which also reverses its meaning. Instead of Cambodians building the temple, Cambodians feared and avoided it. The claim that the Đồng Nai fort taken from Bô Tâm was then used by the army for many generations, but destroyed by the 19th century, is unique to this passage. 95
  21. 92 If the Thế Tông reign referred to is the Lê Thế Tông reign, the 27th year would be 1599, a Kỷ Hợi year. If the Ming Shìzōng reign is meant, that would be 1547, a Đinh Mùi year. The Qing Yongzheng emperor's Shìzōng reign lasted from 1722 to 1735 and did not have a 27th year. Thông Chí: VI:25b-26b.
  22. Such a recruitment occurs three times in the Thực Lục, first when they were instituted by Đào Duy Từ in 1632, and then when they were extended to Diên Ninh and Thái Khang in 1669. This is the only mention of recruitment without any context, suggesting the passage was copied directly from the Diễn Chí.Thực Lục, 49, 82, 89-90.
  23. Cambodia is always Chân Lạp in the Thực Lục.
  24. The year 1674 is also problematic for Đàng Ngoài, despite its reported "victory" in Nghệ An; the British East India Company withdrew their factory in that year after a reported rebellion that resulted in the death of the king's brother and a senior official, events not reported in the Thực Lục or the Diễn Chí. In 1676, the 28 Sinh led the naval attack on Gia Định together with Sa-uyen, Chieu-thuy-bien, and Thất Xỉ Đa. The place Ánh's men settled is called Long Khâu or Gò Khoai. Mạc Thị Gia Phả, 61-74.
  25. Cadière, Leopold, " Les Français au Service de Gia-Long," BAVH 13:1 (1926) 30 Neither text repeats the Mạc Thị Gia Phả claim that the nephews gave up Gia Định to Huệ and occupied Phnom Penh. Among the men who joined Ánh in Bangkok are Nguyễn Phúc Bảo's son Nguyễn Phúc Huy, Nguyễn Phúc Hội, Lưu Văn Bình, Mai Đức Nghị, Nguyễn Văn Thụy, Trương Phúc Luật, Tốn Phúc Ngoạn, Lê Thượng, Nguyễn Tân, Dụ Kỷ, Nguyễn Văn Thành, Đỗ Văn Hựu, Tô Văn Đoài, Nguyễn Văn Mẫu, Lê Văn Luật, Nguyễn Văn Thịnh, Đoàn Công Duệ, Nguyễn Thái, Tống Đồng, Vỗ Tiến Sinh, Lê Văn Duyệt, Nguyễn Đức Xuyên, and Nguyễn Văn Khiêm, with about 200 troops. Only a small fraction of these men has any discernable connection to Phú Xuân. Thực Lục Chính Biên, ibid.
  26. Barrow, A Voyage to Cochinchina, 258-261.
  27. Philip Taylor notes a new wave of scholarship on contemporary Vietnam that demonstrates "ethnic minorities have been active in the transformations of their worlds." Stan Tan and Andrew Walker suggest a "middle ground" in which the state is reshaped as it "asserts its claim on the frontier." This appreciation is of course relevant to highland groups in early periods as well. Phillip Taylor, "Minorities at Large: New Approaches to Minority Ethnicity in Vietnam," Journal of Vietnamese Studies. 3:3 (Fall 2008), 3-43.
  28. Stan B-H Tan and Andrew Walker, "Beyond Hills and Plains: Rethinking Ethnic Relations in Vietnam and Thailand," Journal of Vietnamese Studies. Fall 2008, Vol. 3, No. 3, 117-157; James Scott, The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009). BIBLIOGRAPHY
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  40. Lê Triều Dã Sử. Thư Viện Khoa Học xã Hội. Trans. Nguyễn Huy Thức, Lê Văn Bảy. Hanoi: Nhà Xuất Bản Văn Hóa Thông Tin, 2006.
  41. Lý Tế Xuyên, Việt Điện U Linh [Spirits of the Việt Realm]. Ms. A751, Hán Nôm Institute, Hanoi. Vietnamese translation published as: Đinh Gia Khánh, trans. Việt Điện U Linh. Hanoi: Nhà Xuất Bản Văn Học, 1979.
  42. Mai Thị, Phủ Tập Quảng Nam Ký Sự [Records of Quảng Nam]. Manuscript held by the Lê family in Mộ Đức, Quảng Ngãi. Reproduced in Lê Hồng Long and Vũ Sông Trà, eds. Tư Liệu Thư Tịch Và Di Tích Về Nhân Vật Lịch Sử Bùi Tá Hán (1496 - 1568) [Documents and Relics Pertaining to the Historical Figure Bùi Tá Hán (1496 -1568)].
  43. Quảng Ngãi: Sở Văn Hóa Thông Tin Quảng Ngãi, 1996.
  44. Ming Shi-lu [Veritable Records of the Ming Dynasty]. Academia Sinica, Taiwan. Geoff Wade has indexed and provided English translations of passages related to Southeast Asia: Geoff Wade. "The Ming Shi-Lu (Veritable Records of the Ming Dynasty) as a Source for Southeast Asian History -Fourteenth to Seventeenth Centuries." Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Hong Kong, 1994. Geoff Wade, Translator. Southeast Asia in the Ming Shi-lu: an open access resource, Singapore: Asia Research Institute and the Singapore E-Press, National University of Singapore, http://epress.nus.edu.sg/msl/.
  45. Ngô Gia Văn Phái. Trans. Nguyễn Đức Vân, Kiều Thu Hoạch. Hoàng Lê Nhất Thống Chí. Hanoi: Nhà Xuất Bản Văn Học, 2006.
  46. Ngô Sĩ Liên, et al., Đại Việt Sử Ký Toàn Thư. "Nội Các Quan" manuscript. Published in Vietnamese translation as Hà Văn Tấn, ed. Trans. Hoàng Văn Lâu and Ngô Thế Long. Đại Việt Sử Ký Toàn Thư, Bản In Nội Các Quan Bản, Mộc Bản Khắc Năm Chính Hòa Thứ 18 (1697). [Complete History of the Great Việt, Nội Các Quan Edition, Printed in the 18th year of the Chính Hòa Reign (1697)].
  47. Vols. I-III. Hanoi: Nhà Xuất Bản Khoa Học Xã Hội, 2004.
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Reconceptualizing Southern Vietnamese History from the 15th to the 18th Centuries: Competition along the Coasts from Guangdong to CambodiaBrian Zottoli

2011

The concept of a steadily expanding Vietnamese empire first took a rough shape in the narrative choices made by the 19th century Nguyen Dynasty Historical Office. After 1802, early scholar-officials of the Nguyễn Dynasty constructed formal claims to the territory of Tonkin, relying in part on European texts familiar to their French supporters in Saigon such as Alexandre de Rhodes' popular history of Tonkin, which described, in vague terms, a link between the rulers of Tonkin and Cochinchina. Nguyễn officials claimed that an ancestor of the dynastic founder, Nguyễn Ánh, had played a key role in upholding the Lê Dynasty, implying that the Nguyễn Dynasty held an ancient claim to rule in Thăng Long. Tonkin and Cochinchina were unified by rulers from the south, first the Tây Sơn from Quy Nhơn, then a Nguyễn ruler from Saigon. These regimes arrived in Tonkin seeking to connect their rulers' personal legacy with the Tonkin populations they sought to control. Both attempted to enlist the support of Tonkin elites, and adapted the historical literature produced under the Lê Dynasty to justify the new regimes in the language of the local literati. The Nguyễn attempted to destroy most Tây Sơn literature, however, and along with their French supporters sought to combine elements of existing histories of Tonkin and China, while incorporating elements from other sources from abroad, including venerable, widely disseminated, Rhodes account. The Lê and Nguyễn dynasties produced dynastic histories, written by scholarofficials who staffed each court's Historical Office (quốc sử quán), which form the backbone of virtually every narrative of Vietnam before colonial rule. Over several centuries, scholars at successive Lê (and, for a time, Mạc) courts compiled and revised the Đại Việt Sử Ký Toàn Thư, or Complete History of the Great Việt, referred to here as the Toàn Thư. The classical Chinese style of chronicle the Lê scholars sought to emulate depicts history as a seamless narrative. It tells a story beginning in the times of early legends and myths, continuing unbroken to describe the current events of the day. Thus, the Toàn Thư begins with a dragon, tells of tribes magically hatched from eggs, and proceeds to chronicle the rise and fall of successive historical dynasties. The final volume ends up listing the minutiae of chaotic edicts and battle orders in the tumult that engulfed Thăng Long around the time of the Ming-Qing transition. The southernmost territories of Đại Việt lay on the periphery of the Lê world, where it was particularly difficult to separate fact from fiction. 1 The Nguyễn scholars made a dramatic departure from the Lê court tradition, if they considered themselves to be heirs of a Lê tradition at all. Nguyễn court officials based their own history, beginning with the Liệt Thánh Thực Lục Tiền Biên, or Preceding Book of the Veritable Records of Great Men, referred to here as the Thực Lục, on the model of the Shi-lu, or Veritable Records, beginning with events during the reign of a dynastic founder. But with some exceptions, Ming and Qing Veritable Records were each created shortly after the end of each emperor's reign and described events within living memory of the editors, who drew on a vast archive of court documents. Thus, this style of dynastic chronicle was, at least implicitly, purported to be compiled directly from "veritable"-archived-court documents originating from and held by the ruling regime. Unlike the Ming scholars, however, the first head of the Historical Office in Huế, Trương Đăng Quế, and his co-editors, did not begin their story with a recently deceased emperor.

downloadDownload free PDFView PDFchevron_right"Texts and Bodies: Refashioning the Disturbing Past of Tran Vietnam (1225-1400)." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Volume 42, Issue 4, pages 494 – 518Shawn McHale

Vietnam is often seen to have undergone a fundamental shift in the Tran period (1225-1400) from an unfamiliar, highly Buddhist country to a highly Confucian one. Using a key source for Tran history, the Dai Viêt su ky toan thu, this essay challenges this common view. First, it focuses not on post-Tran Confucian representations of the past but on Tran bodily practices. Second, it argues that modern Vietnamese historians in particular, utilizing texts, ideologies, and structural transformations, have slighted the history of bodies and practices and Confucianized the Vietnamese past.

downloadDownload free PDFView PDFchevron_rightCourt Historiography In Early Tang China: Assigning A Place To History And Historians At The Palaceisenbike Togan

Royal Courts in Dynastic States and Empires, 2011

downloadDownload free PDFView PDFchevron_rightTai Words and the Place of the Tai in the Vietnamese PastLiam C KelleydownloadDownload free PDFView PDFchevron_right"Inventing Traditions in Fifteenth-Century Vietnam"Liam C KelleydownloadDownload free PDFView PDFchevron_right“Loyal Servant, Our Kingdom’s General, Numinous Deity, National Hero: The Biographical Transformations of Trần Hưng Đạo”Liam C KelleydownloadDownload free PDFView PDFchevron_rightAn Alternative Vietnam? The Nguyen Kingdom in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth CenturiesTana Li

The seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Nguyen kingdom which controlled the area later known to the West as Cochinchina, had its origins in modern central Vietnam. The Nguyen annals portray Nguyen Hoang, the governor of Thuan Hoa and Quang Nam, which then marked the southern frontier of Dai Viet, as the founder of this kingdom of the south. War broke out in 1627 between the Nguyen in the south and the royal Le-Trinh government which controlled the region from Nghe An to the Red River delta. By creating a new state, the Nguyen put themselves into a rebellious position that was fraught with danger, for they were far weaker than the Trinh in almost every way. The north had well-established institutions, its territory was three or four times larger than that of the Nguyen, and it possessed correspondingly more military strength. In addition, the Trinh were established in an area occupied by ethnic Vietnamese and therefore governed their own people, while the Nguyen administration governed the former lands of Champa, an Indianized kingdom which had remarkably different traditions from those of the Vietnamese. Yet the Nguyen government not only survived, defeating seven campaigns launched by the Trinh, but also progressively pushed its border further into the south, securing control over three-fifths of the territory that makes up present-day Vietnam in the space of just 200 years. Why did forces operating in a new environment survive, and triumph, while those that remained in familiar surroundings faltered?

downloadDownload free PDFView PDFchevron_rightCONFUCIAN INFLUENCES IN THE LEGAL SYSTEM OF TRADITIONAL VIETNAM WITH CHINESE COMPARISONSÁnh HiềndownloadDownload free PDFView PDFchevron_right2016-"Nguyễn Công Trứ at the court of Minh Mạng," Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 47, 2 (June 2016): 255-280.Keith W. Taylor

Nguyễn Công Trứ, poet and songwriter, was an official at the Vietnamese court in the early nineteenth century who gained acclaim for settling landless peasants on abandoned land. This essay recounts and analyses his family background and the early part of his public carrier. It contrasts his initiatives in the countryside with criticism of them by officials at the royal court and examines his first major demotion in 1831. This study encompasses the contrasting career of Hoàng Quýnh, the official whose accusation caused Nguyễn Công Trứ’s demotion. From this we gain some understanding of how King Minh Mạng maintained control of the royal court through a system of promotions and demotions amidst regional tensions and personality conflicts.

downloadDownload free PDFView PDFchevron_rightFrom A Satirical Legend to Transnational History: The Vietnamese Royal Narrative in Thirteenth Century KoryŏDavid W. Kim

ChiMoKoJa: Histories of China, Mongolia, Korea, and Japan, , 2018

Contemporary Korea has been a multi-cultural society from the 1990s. The official figure indicates that there are a large number of Southeast Asians as well as East Asians (Chinese and Japanese) living in Korea. Among them the number of Vietnamese-Korean couples is one of the highest on record. The relationship of Korea with the mainland southeast country was launched through the Vietnam War in the initial Cold War era of the 1950-70s. Has there been any more interplay between the two countries? If, how do they relate to each other? Was the relationship positively interactive, as in these days, or was it complicated? This paper explores not only the transnational narrative of the Vietnamese royal family (the Lý dynasty: 1009-1225) commonly shared among contemporary Vietnamese and Korean people, but also argues the oral tradition that Vietnamese (‘Đại Việt’) political refugees exiled to Koryŏ (918-1392) contains a historical aspect in the ideas of Buddhism, Chinese language, Confucian culture, and international relations.

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